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#MarcaPolítica: How to attract attention, foster loyalty, and earn respect

Rubén Weinsteiner
MADE FOR MINDS

VOTES-CUSTOMERS-REPUTATION
IN THE YOUNG MICROSEGMENTS


Marca Política helps people, companies, and places define, live, and communicate their purpose.



We help attract attention, foster loyalty, and earn respect.



Our method is simple.



1 — Find the core that holds people together. It can be a person, space, an event, or a tradition. Sometimes there is nothing, and we have to build from scratch.



2 — Amplify the core. Give it a modern meaning and a modern use. Make it available to experience by others. Make it attractive to join in and follow. Numbers (inflow, profit, and loyalty score) will grow.





El segmento #Hipster en el #VotoJoven






Rubén Weinsteiner



La cultura urbana hipster está encarnada por jóvenes entre 16 y 35 años aproximadamente, que exteriorizan un pensamiento independiente, valorizando el arte más allá del mainstream, corriéndose de las modas del momento, vistiendo y escuchando música no comercial, distanciándose de los últimos dictados de la tecnología, oponiéndose al consumo desmedido, y priorizando comprar local y amigable con el medio ambiente.



Los Hipsters manifiestan hacia adentro y hacia fuera de la tribu, heterogeneidades intensas. Si bien tribalmente se cohesionan a través de valores, simbologías y ritualidades, la ponderación del pensamiento independiente potencia las diferencias entre sus miembros y las legitima.



Se suele ligar esta cultura urbana en términos de su origen, con los indies e incluso con los hippies. Su origen real data de mediados del siglo veinte, aunque desapareció en los 70 y volvió a surgir fuerte hacia el 2010 en grandes ciudades de los países centrales entre personas de clase media.

Existen diferentes subculturas derivadas de los hipsters.


El término Hipster está hoy claramente sobredeterminado. Llamamos Hipster a diferentes personas que despliegan una estética concreta y determinada. Esa sobredeterminación está influida por el negocio de la moda que necesita tipifcar y simplificar determinadas exterioridades y formatos para vender productos para el segmento.





Se visten sin patrones específicos, con un estilo personal, bohemio, alejado de la moda del momento y en muchos casos atemporal. Suelen reutilizar ropa y anteojos, con estética vintage.



Les gusta la música indie, indie-rock y jazz, aunque también simpatizan con otros estilos y escuchan bandas poco conocidas. Respecto al cine, prefieren cine Europeo o de EE.UU pero independiente.

Algunos de los cineastas favoritos de los hipsters son Quentin Tarantino, Richard Linklater, Vincent Gallo, Sofia Coppola y muy especialmente Spike Jonze y Wes Anderson,a quienes se les considera también propiamente hipsters. Los hipsters tiene a 3 actores en particular como íconos: Christina Ricci, Bill Murray y Tora Birch, que aunque no necesariamente llevan estilos de vida hipster, muchos de sus personajes son muy representativos de la imagen y actitud hipster.



Les gusta mucho la fotografía, lo vintage, la cocina rara y original, son viajeros low cost y consumen mucha cultura.



La cultura hipster es básicamente progresista y valoran sobre todo el pensamiento independiente. Si bien usan celulares viejos y computadoras old fashion, tienen mucha actividad en las redes sociales.



Es una tribu esencialmente inserta en los sectores medios y medios altos. Su reason why en términos de ciudadanía económica es tener una estilo de vida, despojado, bohemio, austero, donde el tiempo como recurso económico no renovable, se encuentra en el tope de la escala valorativa. Y la ideas es ganar dinero para pagar los gastos, pero sin comprometer el tiempo para el ocio, como leer, ver películas poco comerciales, diseñar, visitar galerías y entarse a charlar en cafeterías, (el café es central en el universo hipster) componer música, escribir novelas o poesía,etc...



El hípster se plantea liberarse de la dictadura del consumo, que, según la cultura, convierte a las personas en conejos que persiguen zanahorias que nunca alcanzan y que le quitan lo verdaderamente importante, el comando de su tiempo, de sus decisiones y de su realidad.



Los hipster trabajan y muchos ganan bien, pero lo hacen sin horarios duros y en ámbitos desestructurados. Parecen relajados pero revelan compromiso con su inserción social, laboral y ciudadana en general.

No desconocen el mainstrem, se ponen al costado, lo critican con sarcasmo e ironía, pero lo aceptan.



No miran TV de aire ni de cable, son más pull casting que broadcasting, eligen su propia programación.



Los hípster no se radicalizan en nada, ni en su visión constitutiva tribal ni en sus posiciones políticas. No son afectos a la masividad, por eso por lo general no votan mayorías, y si lo hicieran deberían encontrar significados en la marca política que no sean tenidos en cuenta por las masas.

Tienen una esencia anarquista y hasta liberal en términos de no aceptar la homogeneidad y lo colectivo coercitivo. Rechazan el partidismo pero no son “cualunquistas”, no son partidarios de la antipolítica.

Suelen ser ONGistas, y desde allí algunos voan expresiones de centro derecha generalmente vinculadas a las ONG.



Su activismo se traduce en la creación de fanzines, comics, la organización de eventos culturales alternativos y la participación activa en la Web 4.0



Los hípsters se situan incómodamente entre dos grupos que los acechan, por un lado los intelctuales que los critican por frívolos y no comprometidos y por el otro los Yuppies que imitan su exterioridad, dejándose una barba hípster, usando lentes vintage o ropa de feria americana.





En música, lo hipster se nutre de intérpretes y bandas alternativas e Indy como Beck, Ben Folds, They Might Be Giants, Elliott Smith, Los Pixies, Sigur Ros, Pulp, Radiohead y Björk.



Política y hipsters



Existe cierto rasgo individualista en la cultura hipster. Sin embargo la dimensión colectiva extra tribu emergió en hechos como el 15M en España, que tuvo su correlato en muchas ciudades, y tanto en Madrid como en los demás lugares donde tuvieron lugar los actos de los Indignados, los hipsters tuvieron un rol importante. Los hipsters salieron a decirle al establishment, que no podían pagar los alquileres, que los alimentos y el transporte subían más que sus ingresos, que el futuro tan lejano para ellos, les empezaba a preocupar.

Los hipsters organizaron y fueron continente de demandas heterogéneas, pero ligadas al deterioro en el nivel de consumo básico.



Los hipsters recelan de la política partidaria, la sienten lejana, pero no la invalidan. Los hipsters se sienten progresistas lo cual los podría llevar a votar un partido “progre de izquierda”, “progre de centro” o “progre de derecha”. Un hipster no sería ni trotskista ni muy derecha en lo económico, lo radical lo espanta.



El sujeto de elección joven hipster busca un piso de seguridad razonable, sin interpelación al compromiso emocional y menos militante. Es como si nos dijera: “asegurame a, b y c y no me rompas”.

Pero si buscamos una intervención reptiliana-emocional, tenemos que construir un discurso multicultural, con algún sesgo anarco-individual, con acento en la eficiencia austera, la simpleza, autenticidad y practicidad.



El voto hipster es interesante porque es individualista como el de Julían, contador 34 años casado sin hijos, que quiere mudarse, cambiarse el auto, viajar, pero sin el consumo aspiracional, sino más bien funcional. No quiere tener el mismo auto que el gerente, un A4 OK, le alcanza con uno de 10 años que funcione bien y que pueda pagar la nafta. Es social como el de Lisa 30 años, terminando sociología, que quiere un gobierno que tenga una política progresista proactiva, pero descree. Es sofisticado y hasta cosmopolita, pero no despreciativo de lo propio. Tiene el factor egocéntrico de Walter el taxista de 35, pero no juzga. No busca modelos pontificadores de lo que está bien y está mal.



En el 15M en la Puerta del Sol, en su correlato en París, en Londres, en New York, Roma y mucgas ciudades, los hipsters como parte importante de la masa crítica, planteaban que los que estaban ahí eran trabajadores, sectores medios, desocupados, etc y que constituían lo que ellos llamaban “la gente normal” y que aspiraban a representar al 99% de la población, mientras que el otro 1% era “los poderosos de siempre”.

En definitiva los hipsters no confían ni en el 1% del círculo rojo, ni en su capacidad para enfrentarlos. Por eso las demandas serán mínimas y las promesas políticas aceptadas como viables también lo serán. Toda amplificación desmedida, de la capacidad realizadora será descreída y deslegitimada por los hipsters. Cambios mínimos, viables y posibles.



Un discurso desprovisto de artificios e imposturas, austero, moderado, multicultural, off mainstream, ni emocionalmente comprometedor ni invasivo. Para el voto hipster la empatía es la identificación y el encuentro en una hoja de ruta minimalista, segura y práctica que organiza a favor de la marca política, atributos que se traducen en percepciones muy positivas para los votantes hipsters.
Rubén Weinsteiner



Rubén Weinsteiner

Trump Viewed Less Negatively on Issues, but Most Americans Are Critical of His Conduct


Majority expresses confidence in Trump on economic policy

A majority of Americans find little or no common ground with Donald Trump on issues, but the share who say they agree with him on many or all issues has risen since last August. The public’s assessment of Trump’s conduct as president is little changed over the past nine months, with 54% saying they don’t like the way he conducts himself as president.

Currently, 41% of the public agrees with Trump on “all or nearly all” or many of the issues facing the country, while 57% agree with him on just a few issues or virtually none. In August, just 33% said they agreed with Trump on many or all issues.



The latest national survey by Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-May 1 among 1,503 adults, finds that 80% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents now say they agree with Trump on many or all issues, up from 69% in August. And while just 12% of Democrats and Democratic leaners say the same today, the share of Democrats who say there are “no or almost no” issues where they align with Trump has dropped from 77% to 58%.

Democrats remain deeply critical of Trump’s conduct, with 85% saying they don’t like the way Trump conducts himself in office. But there is also criticism from within Trump’s own party: Just 38% of Republicans say they like the way he conducts himself, while 45% say they have “mixed feelings about the way he conducts himself as president.”

The Trump administration also gets low marks from the public for its ethical standards: 39% say the administration’s ethical standards are excellent or good, while 58% rate them as not good or poor. On these views partisans are deeply divided, with three-quarters of Republicans (75%) giving the administration high marks and 86% of Democrats rating its ethical standards negatively.

Critiques about ethical standards also extend to the two parties: Just 41% of Americans say the GOP has high ethical standards, while a nearly identical share (42%) say this about the Democratic Party.

The Republican and Democratic parties are now seen by half of the public (50% each) as having good policy ideas, a trait the public rated Democrats higher on in 2017. And more continue to view the GOP as “too extreme” (48%) than say this of the Democratic Party (42%).
Confidence in Trump higher on economic issues than in other domains

Public confidence in Trump on most key issues remains mixed, though a narrow majority (54%) now say they are either very or somewhat confident in him to negotiate favorable trade agreements with other countries. This is the first measure in Pew Research Center surveys on which significantly more say they are at least somewhat confident in Trump than say they are not too or not at all confident (54% vs. 44%).

Views are similar about Trump’s ability to make good decisions about economic policy (53% express at least some confidence, 46% little or no confidence).

Public opinion is split over whether Trump can use military force wisely (46% confident, 51% little or no confidence) and make good appointments to federal courts (46% vs 48%).

On several other issues, such as immigration policy (55%), handling an international crisis (54%) and working effectively with Congress (54%), narrow majorities of the public say they have little or no confidence in Trump.

As was true in previous months, there are deep partisan divisions on these measures, with no fewer than three-quarters of Republicans – and no more than a quarter of Democrats – expressing confidence in Trump in each of these domains.

On many items, the share expressing confidence in Trump has remained steady over the past several months, but on others public confidence in Trump is now higher than earlier this year.

Today, 43% express confidence in Trump to handle an international crisis, up from 35% in January; last April, 48% had at least some confidence in Trump’s ability to handle an international crisis.

Since January, Republicans have grown significantly more confident in Trump to handle an international crisis (84% now, 73% then).

Public confidence in Trump’s handling of economic policy also has ticked up since January (53% now, 46% then).

In other arenas, such as immigration, working effectively with Congress and managing the executive branch, there has been little change over the past several months of Trump’s presidency.
Republicans increasingly see eye-to-eye with Trump on important issues

Eight-in-ten Republicans and Republican-leaners (80%) now say they agree with Trump on many or all issues, up 11 percentage points from last August. Nearly four-in-ten (38%) say they agree on “all or nearly all” policy areas, while 42% say they agree on many, but not all issues.

Though an overwhelming majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (88%) continue to say they have few or no areas of agreement with Trump, the share saying there are “no or almost no” areas of agreement has dropped from 77% in August to 58% today.
Fewer than half of Republicans ‘like’ Trump’s conduct as president

Roughly four-in-ten Republicans and Republican leaners (38%) say they like the way Trump conducts himself as president, while 45% say they “have mixed feelings about” his conduct and 16% do not like it.

Conservative Republicans are significantly more likely than their moderate or liberal counterparts to say they like Trump’s conduct (44% to 25%, respectively). And roughly a third of moderate or liberal Republicans say they do not like his conduct in office (32%).

Democrats continue to overwhelmingly say they do not like the way Trump conducts himself (85%). Just 10% say they have mixed feelings and 5% say they like his behavior. These views are little changed since August.
Majority rates ethical standards of Trump administration officials negatively

About four-in-ten Americans rate the ethical standards of Trump administration officials as excellent (9%) or good (30%), while 58% say they are not good (21%) or poor (36%). Current ratings for the Trump administration’s ethical standards are lower than for those at various points in other administrations dating back to when the question was first asked by ABC News and The Washington Post of Ronald Reagan’s administration in 1983.

This question has often been asked when previous administrations have faced specific ethical controversies.

Today, three-quarters of Republicans (75%) rate the ethical standards of key administration members as good or excellent, while 86% of Democrats say they are not good or poor – including 61% who rate them as poor.

Among Republicans and Republican leaners, these views diverge significantly by ideology.

While just 15% of conservative Republicans express negative views of the ethical standards of Trump administration officials, about a third (36%) of moderate and liberal Republicans say they are not good or poor.

Among Democrats, there are also modest differences along ideological lines, with 80% of conservative or moderate Democrats and 93% of liberal Democrats giving low marks for the ethical standards of the Trump administration.

The overall balance of opinion among independents is far more negative than positive: Two-thirds (65%) say the administration’s ethical standards are “not good” or “poor,” while 31% say they are “excellent” or “good.” Among independents who lean toward the GOP, 67% say the administration’s ethical standards are excellent or good, while nearly nine-in-ten independents who lean toward the Democratic Party (88%) rate the standards as not good or poor.
Evaluations of Trump’s job performance

The public’s evaluation of the way Donald Trump is handling his job as president is little changed in recent months – and is roughly on par with ratings at the outset of his presidency.

Today, 39% of adults approve of the way Trump is handling his job, while 54% disapprove.

Roughly a quarter of Americans approve very strongly (27%), while 11% say they approve not so strongly.

Evaluations are more intense among disapprovers; 42% of the public disapproves of the way Trump is handling his job very strongly, while 12% say they disapprove not so strongly.

There is an 18 point gender gap in approval ratings of the president: 48% of men approve of Trump’s performance, while just 30% of women say the same.

And there continue to be significant differences in views of Trump by race, age and education: Younger adults, those with higher levels of education and non-whites are more likely to disapprove of the job Trump is doing.
Similar views of both parties on ethics, policy ideas

The public has similar views of the Republican and Democratic parties in assessments of their policy ideas and ethical standards. However, somewhat more Americans view the Republican Party than the Democratic Party as “too extreme.”

Overall, half the public says the Republican Party has good policy ideas, while 42% say it does not; opinions about the Democratic Party are identical (50% say it has good ideas, 42% say it does not).

Opinions about whether the GOP has good policy ideas are little changed from about a year ago, but the share saying the Democratic Party has good ideas has declined, from 58% last April to 50% today.

About four-in-ten say each party has high ethical standards (42% say that about the Democratic Party, 41% about the GOP). These views are about the same as they were in April 2017.

More continue to view the Republican Party as “too extreme” (48%) than say this about the Democratic Party (42%). While the GOP performs worse on this trait than the Democratic Party, the share of Americans who view the Republican Party as too extreme has declined since last June (from 54%); views of the Democratic Party are little changed (45% then, 42% now).

Opinions about the traits of the two parties continue to be deeply divided along partisan lines. For example, overwhelming shares (more than 80%) of both Republicans and Republican-leaning independents and Democrats and Democratic leaners say their own party has good policy ideas, while less than a quarter say this describes the opposing party. Similarly, while only about two-in-ten Republicans or Democrats think their own party is “too extreme,” about three-quarters in each party think the other party can be described this way.

However, partisans are somewhat less positive about their own party in views on whether it has high ethical standards, though majorities of Republicans (66%) and Democrats (64%) describe their party this way.

Combining views of both political parties on ethics, a quarter of the public says “high ethical standards” describes neither the Republican Party nor the Democratic Party; 47% say it describes one party but not the other; and 17% say the description applies to both.

Among those with at least a college degree, 31% say “high ethical standards” does not describe the GOP or the Democratic Party; 43% say it describes one and not the other, and 17% think it describes both.

By comparison, fewer of those with some college experience (26%) or a high school degree or less education (20%) think neither party has high ethical standards.

And independents are significantly more likely than partisans to say neither party has “high ethical standards.” About a third of independents (34%), including equal shares of Republican leaners and Democratic leaners (33% each) say neither party has high ethical standards. By comparison, only about two-in-ten Republicans (19%) or Democrats (18%) say this.
2018 midterms: Interest and voter preferences

Nearly six months before the congressional midterm elections in November, just 19% of Americans say they are following news about the candidates and campaign in their state or district very closely, while 32% say they are following them fairly closely. About half of Americans (49%) say they are following election news not too closely or not at all closely.

There are differences in attentiveness by race, education and ideology. Blacks are significantly more likely than either whites or Hispanics to say they have been following campaign news very closely (30% of blacks compared with 18% of whites and 13% of Hispanics).

Only about a third of those younger than 30 (32%) are tracking news about the congressional elections even fairly closely, with just 6% following this news very closely. Nearly half of those ages 30 to 49 (47%) are following news about the midterms very or fairly closely, as are a majority of those 50 and older (61%).

Identical shares of Republicans and Republican leaners and Democrats and Democratic leaners (52% each) say they have been following news about the upcoming elections very or fairly closely. And liberal Democrats (62%) are about as likely as conservative Republicans (60%) to say they have followed news about the elections at least fairly closely.

Currently, 48% of registered voters say they would vote for the Democratic Party’s candidate for Congress in their district, compared with 43% who say they would vote for or lean toward the Republican Party’s candidate.

A majority of adults under 30 (58%) favor the Democrat in their district. In contrast, those in older age groups are more divided.

There are sizable educational differences in early midterm vote preferences: Those with a postgraduate degree favor the Democratic candidate over the Republican by roughly two-to-one (62% to 30%) and those with a four-year college degree favor the Democrat, 53% to 40%. Preferences are more divided among voters who do not have a college degree.